Washington has launched a global campaign to cut off Iran's remaining trade, and its central message is aimed at third countries: keep doing business with Tehran and lose access to the United States. Treasury is calling it an economic D-Day.
Mohsen Rezaei’s threats to halt Iranian oil exports, target countries cooperating with the United States and comments suggesting a possible nuclear shift have triggered a debate in Tehran over his authority to outline such policies as tensions escalate.
Iranian officials have dismissed Washington’s “Economic D-Day” as another failed attempt to cripple the country, but analysts inside Iran warn that an economy weakened by war may be far less capable of absorbing the latest US pressure campaign.
Iran's central bank governor says hyperinflation has not happened. A leading Tehran economist says it already has. Whatever it is called, the shelves tell the same story.
A warning by parliament speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf that Iran cannot endure if its people go hungry has exposed tensions in Tehran over acknowledging economic strain, with hardliners arguing that signs of weakness will encourage further US pressure.
The men who spent the war demanding control of the Strait of Hormuz have returned to demanding control of women's clothing. As the fighting subsides, Iran's hardliners are pressing to revive a hijab law the state itself suspended for fear of new protests.
A gasoline policy survey by Iran’s energy optimization chief has reignited debate over how the Pezeshkian administration should tackle the country’s fuel deficit without triggering another politically dangerous price shock.
Donald Trump has promised an “Economic D-Day” against Iran, a threat Tehran dismissed as another failed US policy. But with inflation, shipping costs and supply strains already biting, how much more pressure can Iran’s fragile economy absorb?
Days before he was killed, Ali Khamenei gave a poem to a translator, a senior cleric says. Iranian outlets published it as his prophecy of his own martyrdom. Then readers ran down the first letters: I am Ali Khamenei, born of Satan.
A bill before Iran’s parliament that would impose new restrictions on contacts with foreign media, universities and organizations has drawn widespread objections over its potential impact on routine academic, cultural and civil-society activity.
The aborted move in Kerman Province revived one of the most politically explosive questions in Iran: how to curb gasoline consumption without repeating the upheaval that followed the last major nationwide price increase in 2019.
With a deadline to fully reopen the Strait of Hormuz only days away, parts of Iran’s media are increasingly treating any easing of tensions not as a return to normality but as a brief window to replenish essential supplies before the confrontation potentially resumes.
One extra letter on Iranian state TV turned Abbas Araghchi into the minister of the Kharijites, the sect that abandoned Shia Islam's first imam and killed him, prompting some Iranians to read it as the broadcaster's latest shot at the man negotiating with Washington.
Iran is doubling down on control of the Strait of Hormuz, with some in Tehran now arguing the strategic leverage it provides is more valuable than a nuclear weapon.
A dispute in Iran’s parliament over the terms for reopening the Strait of Hormuz is threatening to complicate negotiations in Muscat, as lawmakers challenge a proposed role for Oman and Pakistan in monitoring shipping through the waterway.
Replacing a single ship carrying essential goods to Iran would require about 2,500 trucks, a Chamber of Commerce official warned, saying land routes cannot offset the US maritime blockade and negotiations are the only realistic way to restore trade.
Mohsen Rezaei’s appointment as Iran’s new security chief has opened a battle over its political meaning, with ultra-hardliners portraying the removal of his predecessor as evidence that the balance in Tehran has shifted against advocates of negotiations with Washington.
The child understands every word her grandmother says in Persian. She answers in English. She can ask what's for dinner in her parents' language, but not describe her anxiety, her love or her future in it. She calls herself Iranian. Persian is no longer the language of her life.
Iran's latest military appointments are consolidating its command structure after the recent war, with hardliners portraying the reshuffle as a shift toward a more unified and offensive posture.
Masoud Pezeshkian may have a claim to being Iran’s unluckiest president, with his two years in office dominated by wars that have battered an already ailing economy to the point that keeping households above subsistence would count as an achievement.
Iranian officials and analysts are publicly playing down the threat posed by a new defense pact between Saudi Arabia, Pakistan and Turkey, even as some commentators warn Tehran against underestimating an emerging regional alignment.
Mojtaba Khamenei’s continued absence from public view has created an unusual system of authority in Tehran, where decisions are made and justified through written messages attributed to him while responsibility appears dispersed across a core establishment network.