Iranian officials blame deposed Syrian president for his fall

Damascus University students damage a statue Hafez al-Assad, December 15, 2024.
Damascus University students damage a statue Hafez al-Assad, December 15, 2024.

Iranian officials have rejected the idea that Bashar al-Assad’s fall represents a defeat for Tehran, instead emphasizing their continued influence and assigning blame to the deposed Syrian president.

Senior figures, including IRGC Commander Hossein Salami and Rasoul Sanaei-Rad from Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei’s ideological office, have painted a picture of steadfast Iranian commitment while pointing to strategic failures within Assad’s leadership as the root cause of Syria’s collapse.

On Sunday, Hossein Salami described Iran’s intervention in Syria as a moral and strategic necessity. “Everyone saw that as long as we were there, the Syrian people lived [easily], because we were seeking their dignity,” he said.

People walk, after rebels seized the capital and ousted Syria's Bashar al-Assad, in Damascus, Syria December 9, 2024.
People walk, after rebels seized the capital and ousted Syria's Bashar al-Assad, in Damascus, Syria December 9, 2024.

Rejecting any ambitions of territorial expansion, Salami said, “We did not go to annex part of Syria’s land to our own; we went to ensure the dignity of Muslims would not be destroyed.”

Since 2011 alone, the Syrian Network for Human Rights estimates at least 23,000 Syrians have been killed, 87 percent by Syrian military and Iranian security forces.

In contrast, Rasoul Sanaei-Rad, a political affairs official at Ali Khamenei's office, adopted a more critical tone, focusing on Assad’s leadership failings. He called Assad’s fall disastrous and laid blame on “the deception of a portion of the Syrian people who supported the armed groups in taking control of their country’s fate.”

Sanaei-Rad said the events were caused by a “strategic mistake on Assad’s part,” a rare acknowledgment from Iranian officials of the limits of their allies’ effectiveness.

Bashar al-Assad’s fall marked a seismic shift in the region. The conflict began in 2011 amid widespread protests against corruption and authoritarian rule. Escalating violence by the government turned those protests into a full-scale war, with opposition groups such as the Free Syrian Army and Islamist factions like Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) exploiting Assad’s military losses. Even with extensive support from Iran and its Lebanese militia, Hezbollah, the government’s fragmentation and economic collapse proved insurmountable.

Images of Syria's Bashar al-Assad and former Syrian President Hafez al-Assad are damaged by bullet holes, as fighters of the ruling Syrian body inspect the damage at a military site, in the aftermath of an Israeli strike according to Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, after fighters of the ruling Syrian body ousted Syria's Bashar al-Assad, in Damascus, Syria, December 14, 2024.
Images of Syria's Bashar al-Assad and former Syrian President Hafez al-Assad are damaged by bullet holes, as fighters of the ruling Syrian body inspect the damage at a military site, in the aftermath of an Israeli strike according to Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, after fighters of the ruling Syrian body ousted Syria's Bashar al-Assad, in Damascus, Syria, December 14, 2024.

Iran’s involvement in the conflict was extensive. The IRGC, led by Qassem Soleimani, played a central role in organizing pro-Assad forces, while Tehran also mobilized Shia militias from Iraq, Afghanistan, and Pakistan. These forces provided critical support in key battles but could not prevent Assad’s ultimate downfall.

Iran deflects defeat, reaffirms regional role

Iranian officials have been quick to frame Assad’s fall not as a failure but as part of a larger struggle in the region. Esmail Kowsari, a member of Iran’s parliament and former IRGC commander, acknowledged on Sunday the difficulties in supporting Assad’s government.

“Until the very last moment, the Islamic Republic maintained its connection with Bashar al-Assad, but his inner circle, including the prime minister and some army commanders, were creating obstacles,” he said.

Similarly, the Society of Seminary Teachers of Qom emphasized the enduring strength of the so-called Resistance Front, made up of anti-Israel and anti-US militias around the region such as the Houthis in Yemen and Hamas in Gaza, which Iran sees as central to its geopolitical strategy.

In a statement, the group said, “The Resistance Front remains active in the unified struggle against Israel, under the shadow of divine support and assistance, and will not be rendered passive by the losses and costs of the Syrian government’s fall.”

Yemen's Houthis are still blockading global shipping in the Red Sea region and firing projectiles at Israel while Israel remains at war with Hamas in Gaza. A fragile 60-day ceasefire is underway between Israel and Hezbollah but militias in Iraq remain active.

The messaging from Iranian officials underscores the divide in the legacy left by Iran's interference in Syria, a key base militarily and economically for Tehran.

While figures like Salami insist that Iran’s involvement in Syria was a success, others such as Sanaei-Rad’s criticism of Assad’s leadership faults signals a willingness to distance Tehran from the perceived failures of its ally.

While Iranian leaders reject the notion of defeat, Assad’s fall has undeniably strained Tehran’s resources and credibility. The intervention came at great financial and human cost, and its ultimate inability to sustain Assad’s government highlights the limitations of Iran’s influence.

In addition to being a corridor to fund and arm Iran's allies, Syria was also a critical trade route for the likes of Iranian oil amidst global sanctions.

By shifting blame to Assad’s errors, Iranian officials are now desperately trying to reframe a drastic landscape change.